Perceptual similarity in non-local laryngeal restrictions

This paper presents evidence from a series of perception experiments that non-local restrictions on laryngeal features are restrictions on contrast. First, I present results from two perception experiments and show that the perceptual strength of a contrast in ejection or aspiration correlates with the typology of long-distance restrictions on these segments. I then claim that a language may disallow roots with two ejectives because roots of this type are judged too perceptually similar to a root with only one ejective. Second, I claim that non-local laryngeal restrictions involve restrictions on auditory properties. A third experiment supports the idea that long VOT is relevant in explaining the interaction of ejectives and aspirates in Quechua, thus supporting the proposal that auditory dimensions of contrast are relevant to phonology (Flemming, 1995; Steriade, 1997).