On ellipsis structures involving a wh-remnant and a non-wh-remnant simultaneously

Abstract The goal of this work is to provide an account of the licensing of what we call Sluice-Stripping, an under-studied elliptical construction where a wh-phrase and a non-wh-phrase appear fragmentally. This construction, attested across Romance languages and beyond them, is apparently a combination of Sluicing (ellipsis with a wh-remnant) and Stripping (ellipsis with a non-wh-remnant). Through a detailed study of its properties, we propose that there are two distinct types of Sluice-Stripping, namely, (i.) Why-Stripping, where the wh-element is restricted to why, and the non-wh remnant is typically identical to its antecedent in the preceding clause; (ii.) Wh-Stripping, which involves a wh-remnant other than why and a non-wh-remnant which contrasts with its antecedent in the antecedent clause. We establish the following claims through a detailed study of the syntax of Spanish: (a) Why-Stripping involves a base-generated why and leftward movement of a focused non-wh-element followed by clausal ellipsis; (b) Wh-Stripping involves wh-movement followed by rightward movement of the focused non-wh-element and clausal ellipsis.