بررسي تطبيقي تعامل كودك با محيط شهري از منظر انديشه‌ي اسلامي و غربي

Comparative Study of Child and Environment Intercommunication from Islamic and Western Perspective

ايده شهر دوستدار كودك از سال 1996 ارائه شد تا شهرها را براي همه افراد، به‌ويژه كودكان، قابل زندگي كند. امروزه بسياري كشورها اصول شهر دوستدار كودك را به كار مي بندند؛ اما توجه به فضاهاي مناسب كودك در ايران سابقه چنداني ندارد. غالب اين فضاها الگوبرداري صوري و ظاهري از تجارب ساير كشورها، بدون توجه به زمينه فرهنگي آن است. اين تحقيق با راهبرد استدلال منطقي در تحقيقات كيفي، با مطالعه آرائ نظريه پردازان اسلامي و غربي رشد كودك و گردآوري شاخص هاي محيطي موثر در تعامل كودك با محيط از دو ديدگاه فوق، به دنبال مقايسه تطبيقي نحوه تعامل كودك با محيط شهري از دو منظر اسلامي و غربي است. مطابق فرايند مقايسه تطبيقي، اين پژوهش در 3 گام انجام ميشود: ابتدا مسئله اصلي مطرح مي‌شود. سپس دامنه تحقيق، تنگ شده و در آخر، بيشترين وجوه تمايز و تشابه در ارتباط كودك با محيط از دو منظر اسلامي و غربي معرفي مي‌شوند. مقايسه تطبيقي به اشتراكات و افتراقات دو ديدگاه در دو سطح كلان(محيط هاي پيرامون كودك) و خرد(شاخص هاي محيطي هر يك از محيط هاي پيراموني كودك) مي پردازد. در سطح كلان، باوجوديكه دين اسلام مستقيما درباره فضاهاي شهري مناسب كودكان و ارتباط آنها با اين فضاها سخن به ميان نياورده؛ اما تعاليم اسلامي به محيط به عنوان بستري براي انتقال ارزش‌هاي اخلاقي ديني مي نگرد. در سطح خرد، تعاليم اسلامي بر چهار مسئله تاكيد كرده اند كه در متون غربي ديده نمي شود: آموختن آداب ديني به كودك در بازي ها، اعمال محدوديت در بازي خارج از خانه براي دختر، محدودكردن بازي هاي دختر و پسر، ممانعت از ورود كودك به محيط كفر. درحاليكه اهداف شهر دوستدار كودك غربي در مشاركت كودك، داشتن حقوق برابر با ساير شهروندان و سلامت جسمي و رواني او خلاصه مي شود؛ محيط مناسب كودك در متون اسلامي ضمن تاكيد بر احقاق حقوق كودك، آسايش و سلامت او به عنوان الزامات رشد، بر ارزش هاي حاكم بر محيط عملي كودك تمركز كرده، توصيه مي كند كودك در محيطي رشد كند كه فطرت او آسيب نبيند تا به كمال نسبي دست يابد. لذا اين پژوهش الگوي جديد شهر مناسب كودك از منظر انديشه اسلامي را با عنوان "شهر مربي كودك" معرفي مي كند.

Considering request, need and welfare of children has a long record in West and gets back to 19th century. The idea of child friendly city was adopted in 1996 to make cities liveable for all and its goal was to put the children on top. This is how countries distant themselves from mere concept and utilize CFC principles today. On the other hand, paying attention to child proper spaces has no long record in Iran. Most children`s spaces are external copies of other countries experiences with no regarding to social and cultural context.The research is decided to compare the way in which a child intercommunicates with city environment from two Islamic(Philosophy, Religion and Gnosticism) and Western perspectives, by deduction in qualitative research, studying Islamic and Western theories toward children and compiling effective environmental factors in child and environment interactions. Comparative study includes similarities and differences in two scales: major (child environments) and minor (environmental factors) both in Western and Islamic documents. In major scale, Islamic instructions focus on the environment as a channel to transfer concepts and religious ethics. In minor scale Islamic instructions emphasize on 4 subjects that can`t be seen in western`s: teaching rituals via playing, limiting girls playing outside, limiting girls playing with boys and preventing children from entering infidelital environments. While CFC of west is summarized in participation, equal right with other citizens, mental and physical health; a proper environment for children in Islamic documents, besides proving children`s rights, relief and health as necessities of child growth, emphasizes on values and norms in functional environment. In addition, it advises that a child ought to grow in a place which her temperament does not get hurt to come to relative perfection. Here, an Islamic-Iranian model named “child preceptor city” takes form. The research in theoretical part, using the analytical-descriptive method, has presented a theoretical framework. In the first stage (study of relevant texts and identification of the defining components of research), a comparative method has been used. The methods of collecting information and the subject history in this research, in addition to documentary and library studies, will also include field studies that are used to compile the subject literature review and to find the thematic framework. At this stage, by expressing the perceptual concept, the architectural porosity elements as well as the study of its theories, criteria, rules and components are explained. In the second stage, using the criteria and components obtained in the previous one, the classification of porosity elements, the selection of criteria and the facades' porosity effective variables, as well as structured questionnaires to find the relationship between these variables and their impact on each other and the amount of facades' porosity a quantitative method for obtaining it will be presented. In the third stage and in the case study section, the theoretical framework and the porosity assessment method are carried out in relation to the 30 facades of historical houses of Tabriz city and the research data are analyzed based on descriptive statistics. Based on the findings of the research, the facades have a special feature called porosity number that is unique to it. The structure of the forming elements and the porosity changes of the facades also follow a particular pattern. The research also shows that the main trait of porosity is openness which the space is inside it. Air circulation, light and the connection of internal and external spaces are the major physical achievements of porosity and its spiritual achievement is the space and the raised meaning in architecture. Empty, in spite of the lack of material has an equal value, and sometimes more than full, and how it is created and placed not only increases the physical and spatial quality but also can have an impact in evaluations. Porosity is one of the basic visual qualities, which over time has found a more significant role in the facade. Porosity has a hidden and mysterious pattern that can be the result of aesthetic feedback from architects, observers/residents, and environmental conditions of the region. A certain evident percentage of porosity and a Specific pattern and alignment of porous space arrangement in this study indicate that, at least in Tabriz's environmental conditions, a specific pattern of porosity is a part of the aesthetic preferences of the architects and the residential-historical architectural users of Tabriz city. This pattern and alignment can at least be considered by contemporary architects in this cultural-climatic area as an aesthetic factor. Of course, the generalization of these features to other cities in Iran and beyond requires more and wider research.