نومنطقه گرايي و راهبرد امنيت فرهنگ پايه ميان ايران و كشورهاي مسلمان اوراسيا

Neo-Regionalism and Culture-Based Security Policy between Iran and Eurasian Muslim Countries

با نگاهي به ويژگي هاي نظريه هاي نوين منطقه گرايانه، نوشتار پيش رو در صدد است تا با بهره گيري از اين نظريات، چارچوب مناسبي براي فهم همكاري هاي منطقه اي ميان ايران و كشورهاي مسلمان منطقه اوراسيا به دست دهد. پرسش اصلي در اين پژوهش آن است كه چگونه ايران و كشورهاي مسلمان منطقه اوراسيا عليرغم اختلاف در تعريف منافع مشترك، مي توانند به همگرايي هويتي و هنجاري دست يافته و به همكاري با يكديگر بپردازند؟ نويسنده در اين راستا استدلال خواهد كرد كه اين كشورها مي توانند به يك تعريف مشترك از هنجارها و هويت هاي مشترك حاكم بر روابط خارجي خود با بهره مندي از توانمندي هاي فرهنگي همگرايانه حاكم بر اين جوامع برسند. بر اين پايه، اين راهبرد هنگامي مي تواند صورت حقيقت بر خود بپوشاند كه سطح تحليل همكاري ها ميان اين كشورها از سطوح دوجانبه و يا بين المللي، به سطح تحليل ميانه (روابط منطقه اي) تغيير يافته و در چارچوب مفهومي مانند «اوراسياي فرهنگي» تعريف شود.

Objective: Regional cooperation between Iran and the Muslim countries in the Eurasian region has been an important aim for different Iranian governments especially after the collapse of the Soviet unio‎n and the independence of these countries. Looking at some features of new regionalism theories, the present article aims at considering the role of such an approach in providing an appropriate framework in order to understand the regional cooperation in the Eurasian region. In fact, the main question of the present article is the way Iran and the Eurasian Muslim countries could achieve convergence in identities and norms and also cooperate with each other despite the disparity in defining common interests. Method: The method used in this study is descriptive-analytical and uses the theoretical framework of neo-regionalism to analyze the areas of cooperation and difference between the two countries. Result: The author argues that Iran and most of the Eurasian Muslim countries could have achieved a shared definition of identities and norms governing the patterns of their foreign relations with taking advantage of cultural convergent capabilities. Conclusion: To conclude, the possibility of shaping such a kind of regional cooperation is examined and it seems that based on neo-regionalism framework, this policy will become possible when the level of analyzing the relations between these countries change from a micro-level of bilateral relation or a macro-level of global relations into a middle-level one within a regional relation and in a “Cultural Eurasia” context.